Jillian Maklin

An Optimal(ity) Approach To /v/: A Phonetic and Phonological Investigation

Introduction

An optimal(ity) approach to /v/: a phonetic and phonological investigation. Investigate Russian /v/'s unique phonetic/phonological behavior, analyzing frication and voicing assimilation. A [Sonorant Voice] feature is proposed to explain its 'sonorant-obstruent' nature.

Abstract

This paper investigates the positional and environmental effects of frication as measured by harmonicity and spectral centroid on the segment /v/ in Russian. /v/, unlike other obstruents in Russian, fails to trigger regressive voicing assimilation, while also undergoing it. The two environments for regressive voicing assimilation (target, trigger) were tested to investigate if there was a difference in how fricated the segment was. Statistical tests were used to determine that /v/ was more fricated in the triggering environment, despite behaving similarly to sonorants in that position. A phonological analysis is then presented, adopting the feature proposed by Rice and Avery (1989) [Sonorant Voice]. This analysis allows /v/ to carry a [Sonorant Voice] feature that prevents it from triggering regressive voicing assimilation, while also allowing the segment to undergo voicing processes. This work expands on the research involving “sonorant-obstruents” or voiced spirants, which are segments that behave outside the traditional definition of sonorant and obstruent, and adds to the literature on phonetic measurements of fricatives, particularly the labiodental fricatives.

Review

This paper presents a compelling investigation into the anomalous behavior of the segment /v/ in Russian, specifically its interaction with regressive voicing assimilation. Through a rigorous phonetic analysis utilizing harmonicity and spectral centroid, the authors quantitatively assess the degree of frication for /v/ in various environments. The finding that /v/ is more fricated when acting as a trigger for assimilation, despite its sonorant-like behavior in that position, provides crucial empirical data. This careful measurement and statistical validation lay a strong foundation for the subsequent phonological analysis, making a valuable contribution to the understanding of gradient phonetic properties influencing categorical phonological processes. The subsequent phonological analysis, employing the [Sonorant Voice] feature proposed by Rice and Avery (1989), offers an elegant solution to the apparent paradox of /v/ in Russian. This feature effectively accounts for /v/'s unique ability to undergo voicing assimilation while simultaneously failing to trigger it, neatly capturing its dual nature. This theoretical contribution is significant, as it not only explains a specific phenomenon in Russian but also broadens our understanding of "sonorant-obstruents" or voiced spirants – segments that defy traditional phonological classifications. The paper thus expands the theoretical toolkit for analyzing such phonetically and phonologically complex segments, pushing the boundaries of established segmental definitions. While the proposed analysis is insightful and well-supported by the phonetic findings, future iterations could benefit from a more explicit discussion on the precise mapping between the phonetic measurements of frication and the phonological feature [Sonorant Voice]. Further exploration of how varying degrees of frication might correlate with the presence or strength of this feature, perhaps across different speakers or speech styles, could deepen the empirical grounding. Additionally, a brief comparative discussion with other languages exhibiting similar "sonorant-obstruent" phenomena could strengthen the cross-linguistic generalizability of the proposed framework, thereby enhancing the paper's overall impact on the field of phonetics and phonology.

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