Religious, spiritual, secular: some american responses to september 11. Explores diverse American religious, spiritual & secular responses to 9/11, examining how traditional & non-traditional groups provided meaning & comfort during national trauma.
This paper examines particular examples of therapeutic and meaning-making responses to the events of September 11 from non-traditional religions and secular bodies, with comparative material from mainstream religions, in the United States of America. The intention is to demonstrate two things: that America's religious plurality and cultural diversity gave rise to alternative discourses of meaning concerning September 11; and that these non-traditional religious interpretations and practices occupy a medial position in a continuum of life-shaping belief systems that ranges from traditional religion to secularised, therapeutic values. In the USA, and particularly in New York, the attack on the World Trade Centre provoked a 'time of national trauma' (Stevens, 2002). Spiritual assistance, chiefly concerning two issues - creating meaning from the events, and finding solace or comfort for shock and grief - was sought by many people. In the quest for meaning, non-traditional religions such as the EarthLink Mission (ELM) provided challenging and different interpretations of the events, reinforcing the argument that when studying religion as 'an ordinary form of human practice' the scholar encounters 'socio-rhetorical technique[s] used to create, contest and re-create credible worlds' (McCutcheon, 2003: 168). In addition to interpreting the meaning of the events, religious, spiritual and secular organizations provided spiritual and therapeutic comfort to those who were affected by September 11. Such 'therapy' has become an accepted element in contemporary Western society (Rieff, 1966). From the non-traditional religious viewpoint, the Church of Scientology's Volunteer Minister Programme provided hands-on assistance at Ground Zero, counselling the police, firemen, and others engaged in clearing the site. The general and 'secularised' nature of the contribution of these Volunteer Ministers invites comparison both with corporate strategies to provide comfort to workers and to engage in psychological risk management (Nighswonger, 2001), and the efforts of mainstream religions (especially the monotheisms; Christianity, Judaism and Islam) to comfort and sustain the faithful. There is thus a spectrum of responses to America's 'time of national trauma', from traditionally religious through non-traditionally religious or spiritual, to secular, and this spectrum reflects the greater selectivity and diversity of belief systems drawn upon by contemporary Americans. Also significant is that the non-traditional religions examined are both holistic in outlook and emphasise reconciliation of apparent opposition through very long time cycles; whereas the traditional monotheisms are firmly located in history, and hold dualistic views of oppositional concepts (such asgood and evil).
The paper "Religious, Spiritual, Secular: Some American Responses to September 11" proposes a timely and important examination of how diverse belief systems in the United States addressed the trauma of 9/11. Focusing on both meaning-making and therapeutic comfort, the abstract effectively lays out the central thesis: that America's religious plurality fostered alternative discourses, and that non-traditional religious interpretations occupy a medial position within a broader continuum of traditional religion and secular therapeutic values. This comparative approach promises valuable insights into the adaptability and range of human responses to collective tragedy, highlighting how spiritual and secular resources coalesce to provide solace and understanding in times of national trauma. A significant strength of this work lies in its ambitious scope, aiming to demonstrate the spectrum of responses from established monotheisms to non-traditional groups like the EarthLink Mission and the Church of Scientology's Volunteer Ministers, and further to purely secular interventions. The paper commendably highlights how these non-traditional approaches offered "challenging and different interpretations," particularly noting their holistic outlook and emphasis on reconciliation over long time cycles, which contrasts sharply with the historical and dualistic perspectives often found in traditional monotheisms. By citing specific examples of hands-on assistance and meaning-making, the abstract effectively illustrates the practical application of diverse worldviews in a time of national crisis, reinforcing the idea of religion as a 'socio-rhetorical technique' for creating credible worlds. While the abstract provides a compelling overview, the full paper would benefit from a more explicit outline of its methodological approach to examining these diverse responses. For instance, clarifying the nature of the data collected—whether through textual analysis of public statements, interviews with adherents, or observational studies—would strengthen the empirical basis. Additionally, while "non-traditional religions" are exemplified, a more rigorous conceptual framework defining this category and precisely articulating *how* they occupy a "medial position" between traditional religion and secular therapy could deepen the analysis. Exploring the potential overlaps and tensions between these categories, rather than merely presenting them as points on a continuum, could further enrich the discussion and provide a more nuanced understanding of the complexities of belief and practice in post-9/11 America.
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