Ilmastoestäminen venäjällä. Artikkeli analysoi ilmastoestämisen historiaa ja toimijoita Venäjällä, joka on suuri fossiilisten polttoaineiden tuottaja. Tutkii ilmastopolitiikan vastustusta ja syitä.
Venäjä on yksi maailman suurimmista fossiilisten polttoaineiden tuottajista ja viejistä sekä neljänneksi suurin kasvihuonekaasupäästöjen aiheuttaja. Sen ilmastopolitiikan ajatellaan laajasti olevan pahasti jälkeenjäänyttä, ja se on ollut haluton osallistumaan globaaleihin ilmastoneuvotteluihin. Vaikka Venäjällä on neuvostoajoista juontuvat pitkät ilmastotieteen perinteet, ilmastopolitiikkaa ovat maassa vastustaneet monet toimijat pyrkien estämään tai jarruttamaan ilmastotoimia taloudellisista, poliittisista tai ideologisista syistä. Venäjän hyökkäyksestä Ukrainaan seurannut poliittinen ja taloudellinen eristäytyminen saattaa luoda lisää elintilaa ilmastoestämiselle valtion jäätyä globaalien ilmastopoliittisten suuntausten ulkopuolelle. Tämä artikkeli käsittelee ilmastoestämisen eli ilmastonmuutostoimien vastustamisen ja jarruttamisen historiaa Venäjällä tarjoten kattavan analyysin ilmastoestämiseen osallistuvista keskeisistä toimijoista ja instituutioista. Yhteiskuntatieteellisessä ilmastopolitiikan tutkimuksessa Venäjää on tutkittu aivan liian vähän verrattuna muihin suuriin saastuttajiin ja fossiilisten polttoaineiden viejiin. Artikkeli paikkaa tätä aukkoa tarjoten ajankohtaisen analyysin ilmastoestämisestä Venäjällä. Russia is one of the world’s largest producers and exporters of fossil fuels, and the fourthlargest emitter of greenhouse gases. It is widely regarded as a notorious laggard in terms of its climate policy commitments, and has been a reluctant participant in global climate negotiations. Despite a long tradition of climate science dating back to the Soviet era, policy action on climate change has faced strong opposition in Russia from a range of actors who have sought to obstruct or delay climate action on economic, political and ideological grounds. The current political and economic isolation of Russia because of its invasion of Ukraine can potentially provide more room for climate obstruction in the country as the state finds itself excluded from global climate policy trends. The article discusses the history of climate obstruction in Russia as well as offering a comprehensive analysis of the current key actors and institutions involved in climate obstruction. Overall, Russia is critically understudied in the social science literature on climate politics in comparison with other major polluters and fossil fuel exporters. This article seeks to address this gap, by contributing a timely analysis of climate obstruction in Russia.
This article, "Ilmastoestäminen Venäjällä" (Climate Obstruction in Russia), addresses a significant gap in the social science literature concerning climate politics, specifically focusing on Russia. Given Russia's prominent global role as a major fossil fuel producer and exporter, and its status as the fourth-largest greenhouse gas emitter, its consistently reluctant and lagging climate policy warrants rigorous academic scrutiny. The authors correctly highlight that Russia has been critically understudied in this domain compared to other large polluters, making this timely contribution particularly valuable for understanding a key player in the global climate landscape. The abstract outlines a promising scope, aiming to provide a comprehensive analysis of climate obstruction in Russia. It proposes to trace the history of this obstruction, detailing the various economic, political, and ideological grounds upon which actors have sought to delay or prevent climate action. A crucial strength lies in its commitment to identify and analyze the key actors and institutions involved in these obstruction efforts. Furthermore, the paper intelligently incorporates the contemporary geopolitical context, recognizing that Russia's current political and economic isolation following the invasion of Ukraine could exacerbate or reshape the landscape for climate obstruction, making its findings highly relevant and current. To fully deliver on its significant promise, the article will need to offer robust empirical evidence and a clear analytical framework for understanding the mechanisms and dynamics of climate obstruction. Reviewers will particularly look for the depth of the "comprehensive analysis" of actors and institutions, requiring not just their identification but a nuanced exploration of their power bases, strategies, and interconnections. While the abstract mentions historical context, a clear periodization and an explanation of how obstruction has evolved over time would enhance the analysis. Finally, a discussion of the methodologies employed to unpack these complex socio-political processes would further strengthen the paper's contribution to scholarly understanding of climate governance in recalcitrant states.
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